A report produced for Ohio State University by the law firm Perkins Coie found that Richard Strauss, a longtime doctor for Ohio State for more than 16 athletic teams, who killed himself in 2005, sexually abused at least 177 male athletes from 1979 to 1996.

Ohio Congressman Jim Jordan has adamantly denied having had any knowledge of the allegations against Strauss when he was an assistant coach from 1986 to 1994, but several wrestlers insist Jordan knew, directly or indirectly, about Strauss’ behavior, and he was named in lawsuits against the university. Wrestlers claimed they were regularly harassed in their training facility by sexually aggressive men who attended the university or worked there, and Jordan and other coaches did nothing to stop it.

Jordan insists that the report exonerates him of any wrong-doing, but there is one detail in the report that does not actually do that.

The report states investigations

“did not identify any contemporaneous documentary evidence that members of the OSU coaching staff, including head coaches or assistant coaches, received or were aware of complaints regarding Strauss sexual misconduct.”

Since the athletes reported they had openly discussed Strauss’ behavior in front of the coaching staff, and 22 coaches confirmed to the Investigative Team they were aware of rumors and/or complaints about Strauss, this lack of documentation could mean what the coaches heard was simply ignored and not looked into.University President Michael Drake found the report “shocking and painful to comprehend” , stating in a letter that accompanied the report.

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“On behalf of the university, we offer our profound regret and sincere apologies to each person who endured Strauss’ abuse. Our institution’s fundamental failure at the time to prevent this abuse was unacceptable — as were the inadequate efforts to thoroughly investigate complaints raised by students and staff members.”

So in spite of Jordan’s claim,

“[the report] confirms everything I said. If we’d have known about it, we’d have reported it. It confirms everything I’ve said before. I didn’t know about anything. If I would’ve, I’d have done something”,

the only defense is that the complaints were kept quiet, nothing was written down, and, in spite of hearing the athletes talk about it, people like Jim Jordan who was in  position to investigate had simply chosen not to.

He is not as clean as he claims to be.The fact that anyone could say that this was the first they had heard of it, shows those who should have, had not done what they should have, and Jordan is one of them

October 11 is National Coming Out Day.

The process is uneven and the conditions and response are as individual to the person and their circumstance.

Although one day a year is designated as a day to celebrate having come out, letting others know there is a definite moment to do it if they need a designated day upon which they will, and show those yet to that there is support for them when they decide to tell the world they accept themselves for who they are and so should the world, in reality every day is Coming Out Day for someone, and more often than not there will be a number of Coming Out Days.

Although the most positive reaction to coming out to family, friends, and coworkers is acceptance, too often there is rejection that includes children being thrown out of the homes to survive on the street to often in the name of religion, physical and verbal abuse, and loss of employment, something that is faced each time you choose not to hide.

Coming out is not a onetime thing, but is often a repeated action, each subject to the gamut of reactions. Where in one place the fact that a person is Gay is no big thing, for that person being in another place it could be met with the worst.

From the mid 80s into the early 90s I was living in Long Beach California and teaching in the Los Angeles Unified School District.

During that time I had met a fellow teacher and a member of the Union’s Executive Board who was an Out Gay man in a long term committed relationship, and our paths had crossed through our union involvement. He was the person on the Board who asked if I would chair the Union’s Gay and Lesbian Education Caucus that needed to be upgraded to a full standing committee, but only if it met on a regular basis and had a chair that would push for that. I was happy to take that on.

And I was happy to be one of the few Union members who marched for the first time in L.A.’s Pride Parade with the blessing of and under the banner of the United Teachers of Los Angeles, our presence taking the parade announcer and media somewhat by surprise.

This man decided to run for an open seat on the state’s education board, and he won.

Not long after his victory he held a press conference at school headquarters in Los Angeles, and many of us Gay and Lesbian teachers rushed there after school to stand with him when he gave his first speech as a board member and outlined the issues most dear to him.

Just before he began his speech and Q&A with the press, he told us he intended to come out officially, although his sexual orientation had not been a secret, and asked if we would follow his lead. It was to be totally voluntary, but it would make an impression.

And, so it was that when he ended his remarks he formally stated his full name, announced what school he had been teaching at, and followed this with the words “I am Gay”.

One by one each of us stepped forward and did the same. We stated our full names, announced what school we taught at, and said the words “I am Gay”.

It might have been in a very liberal California, but it was only around 1990, and in spite of any progress when it came to Gay equality, although much progress had been made, there was so much more that was needed.

The next day when I began my classes a student mentioned that he had seen me on the news, and a few more joined in saying they too had seen the news coverage. It had been on every local station.

I steeled myself for the anticipated barrage of questions and possible negative comments, but all I was asked was if I had known I was surrounded by Gay people.

It turned out that they were thrilled to see their teacher on the television and got a shot of pride when I mentioned the school name, but apparently, to a student, had turned at that point to tell their families, “That’s my teacher” and in so doing missed the “I am Gay” part.

So the big coming out was a little smaller than I had anticipated.

Years later:

The third meeting of the Oklahoma City school district’s first attempt at a Diversity Committee, where the Inclusion of Gay kids in policies was to be discussed, was where the committee imploded, an event that I felt was not entirely un-orchestrated. Being the only committee member who had consistently attended the two previous meetings, it was no surprise to me having new faces at the third meeting. A woman I had not seen before was sitting at the end of the conference table, and as I took a seat she asked me what had been done so far. Obligingly, assuming she was one of the names listed as a committee member, but who had not shown up previously, I handed her the agenda for the meeting along with some of my papers, and filled her in on what had been covered previously.

Because of the possible awkwardness, the meetings, although not being secret, were not advertised to the general public. It was a kind of rational courtesy. I had no problem with the initial meetings being closed as there had been a very good possibility that people might have said things that after a little education they would regret having said, and, so, might have wished for the opportunity to take these statements back. For many committee members these initial meetings may have been the first time they said the words “Gay” and “Lesbian” out loud, or even talked with someone they knew was Gay. As it was, even if it had only been a lack of taking a proper breath before beginning the sentence, the chair had choked slightly when he said “lesbian” for the first time at the initial meeting.

Once the initial stages were accomplished and actual work on the wording of a policy began, meetings could be more open. They certainly were not kept secret for any sinister reasons.

As the meeting was about to begin the chair entered the room as it slowly filled, and to my surprise did not recognize the woman I had just spoken with. He asked her to identify herself, whereupon she introduced herself as a reporter for the Daily Oklahoman, the local, highly conservative, anti-union, anti-teacher, anti-Gay, pro-Republican, Christian-fundamentalist oriented daily newspaper.

The chair emphatically and angrily cancelled the meeting on the spot. He was upset that the closed meeting was now public, and was angry someone had called the newspaper. He announced that he was only the chair because he had been told to be so by someone over him, and that he really did not want any part of the committee. He claimed meetings were only being held because of a concern one person had presented to his superior.

Not only was the meeting cancelled, but the committee immediately disbanded as well.

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As angry as he had seemed to be, and after leaving the meeting room in a huff, the chair did take the time to chase down the reporter before she had left the building. He wanted her to know that he could not continue as committee chair because of personal, political and religious beliefs, and that, in spite of my never having had the chance to address the committee or answer their questions, and as he had dominated the meetings so no discussion had yet been had, I was forcing the committee in a particular direction, determined to turn the committee’s work into a “Gay Issue”. Most of his anger appeared the next day in the morning paper.

I was totally unaware of the story in the newspaper when I entered the school the next morning and was immediately summoned to the principal’s office.

She was concerned that with the news story in the paper there could be a parental backlash with requests not only for students to be removed from my classes, but that I be dismissed, and then slid a copy of the paper across her desk for me to see.

According to the article I had “described” myself as Gay and this statement was what worried the principal who was concerned about the possible back lash, although during a previous discussion she had come to understand the need to be inclusive when it came to GLBT Students.

Basically in her mind I had gone from a concerned teacher without the public’s knowledge of my sexual orientation to a Gay teacher who could be the target of people’s belief that their negative actions could be justified, although wrong. I might now be considered a Gay man pushing the Gay Agenda.

And, thus, I came out, or was “outed” to the state of Oklahoma.

This event happened twenty years ago this month, and as October is GLBT History Month and October 11 is National Coming out day, this is the anniversary of my third coming out, the first having been to my family and friends

And, although I am not seeking praise, when I looked at that article that I have kept, the word “Transgender” is mentioned by the reporter a number of times, and this was in the Buckle of the Bible Belt when Transgender was still on the horizon in places like that. One might say that the local, highly conservative, anti-union, anti-teacher, anti-Gay, pro-Republican, Christian-fundamentalist oriented daily newspaper was ahead of its time without knowing it.

Later, as related in the first blog of GLBT History Month of 2019, I was again outed, but even though I was seen on a local news station, although I was the “openly Gay teacher”, most people knew my name and had their opinions of me, I was generally a name with no face.

The teacher whose classroom had been just a few doors down the hall from mine was an extremely religious and conservative person who decided she would run for a seat in the state legislature because Jesus wanted her to get Him back into the state’s public schools.    

Attracting some very disturbingly conservative people, this legislator went to a Metro Library Commission meeting demanding any book with a “Homosexual Theme”, or which might have spoken of Homosexuality as anything other than an abomination, be removed from the system.    

A group of people including legal people from the ACLU, local Gay organizations, library workers and concerned citizens, myself included, went to the same meeting to argue that parents, after instilling in their children their own family values, should view what their children intend to read before they check out a book at any library, rather than demand that if they found something objectionable no one should be allowed to read it.

At the meeting in attempting to prove her action was not based on bigotry, but a concern for children, the legislator claimed she only objected to certain things of a homosexual nature, but she herself loved Gay people and knew many, and even worked with some very fine teachers who happened to be Gay, she swept her left arm in an all inclusive arcing motion declaring as she did so that I was a wonderful teacher with whom she had no problem until she was pointing right at me. Although she knew I was open at school, she took the liberty, or acted on the assumption that there would be no harm in using me in so public a manner.

At other meetings on other actions at which she spoke negatively about Gay people, the legislator had on more than one occasion spoken of me as less than human and by my very nature vile and repulsive, describing me as a pedophile, a lower form of creature, a sexual predator, a recruiter of youth into a condemned “life-style, pornographic by my very nature, a danger to the welfare of youth and a cancer on society,  although she would throw in that I was a good teacher and nice person.

And there was backlash in the form of anonymous letters, messages left on my home answering machine, and the occasional person yelling at me in public.

Recently I testified in the Massachusetts State House before the Joint Committee on the Judiciary in favor of two bills that would reduce, if not eliminate using state or local funds for federal immigration activities carried out under 287(g) agreements with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE).

Those wanting to continue doing the work of ICE too often justify the need to do so by presenting stereotypes and generalities but not any facts, figures, or studies.

Seeing a similarity to past experience, I included a statement in my testimony that

“As a Gay man who has lived in the Buckle of the Bible Belt, I am all too familiar with the use of a group of people to promote personal and political agendas by pushing an image of them based on misinformation while ignoring facts and reality to promote fear of them to justify actions against them.”

Although not a big deal for some, this was another example of “coming out” with no idea of how that would ne accepted, and doing so in a very public setting, the State House. But, this being Massachusetts, it was greeted as merely a person’s knowledge gained through experience.

I am of an age where each coming out moment is preceded by a deep breath.

For younger GLBT people the process may not be difficult for all, as the attitude of the majority population toward GLBT people has matured, but for some in some locales, it is still not easy an cold be dangerous.

It is up to those of us who are out to support those coming out, and letting them know we are part of a huge support system they can rely on.

It is also important for us not to judge or force the process, but to understand where they are and why they might need more time.

So Happy Coming Out Day to those who have come out, and Happy Coming Out Day to those who will when their time is right.

We are here, waiting to welcome.

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There were 61 criminal justice bills and issues being heard before the Joint Committee on the Judiciary at the Massachusetts State House on October 8, and those of us from New Bedford were there to offer testimony regarding two.

House Bill 1368, an act relative to enforcing federal law sponsored by State Representative Antonio Cabral, would prohibit county sheriffs and the Department of Corrections from using state or local funds for federal immigration activities carried out under 287(g) agreements with U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE).

For those not familiar with them, 287(g) agreements deputize state and county personnel as federal immigration agents at the state’s expense, and are an extreme form of collaboration with ICE involving minimally trained personnel going through local jails to identify people they believe are subject to removal, and placing them in ICE custody for eventual deportation.

The government uses state and local taxpayer dollars to identify people for deportation, but state and county personnel receive no compensation from the federal government for these services, and taxpayers get no accounting of how the money is spent.

As it is, Massachusetts ranks forty-fifth when it comes to the amount of federal money it gets in contrast to how much federal tax it pays, so why should more money be paid to the federal government for working for it?

Since ICE already is present in our jails and prisons, the federal government should use its own personnel to carry out its responsibilities for immigration enforcement. 

In Massachusetts county sheriffs often serve as jailors for small police departments, so these contracts can damage the relationship between immigrant communities and local law enforcement upon which they rely for protection. When someone is transferred to ICE custody and deported instead of being released on bail, defendants and victims are deprived of their day in court, and the community loses confidence in the police/criminal justice system.

People detained in 287(g) jurisdictions don’t know whether they are being questioned by a law enforcement officer or by an immigration officer, and may unwittingly jeopardize their own immigration cases. There is no requirement to inform detainees that the deputy sheriff interviewing them is also an immigration officer.

Federal law currently prohibits the federal government from paying for these activities, and H1368 would effectively end 287(g) programs in Massachusetts unless and until the federal government decides to invest its own dollars in such programs.

State dollars should not be used for federal immigration enforcement.

The other bill was House Bill 1369, An Act limiting the use of prison labor, that would require that any inmate work program in the Commonwealth be performed within the boundaries of the state prohibiting Massachusetts participation in any so-called national inmate work program like that used to build a wall along the southern border of the United States using individual state’s prison labor. This bill is in response to Bristol County Massachusetts sheriff Thomas Hodgson pledging in 2017 that he would volunteer county inmates to help build the wall on the Southern border, his first step of many to catch Trump’s attention.

The Sheriff did not outline details for his planned program’s funding for the transportation, housing, security, and insurance costs that this would involve.

The bill would ensure that the positive returns from rehabilitation and skills training programs benefit local communities.

Not only did I and the other New Bedford person point out that the sheriff’s justification for his agreement with ICE was devoid of facts, relying on the appeal to fear based stereotypes of the “Other”, and presented facts to oppose the ICE agreement, but others testifying in favor of these bills did as well.

When the sheriff’s turn came, he stepped forward to testify against the bills, but he falteringly spoke about an unrelated bill dealing with the need for parity between the pay of county corrections officers and those of the state, a bill that had been dealt with earlier in the day and for which he had not signed up to address, repeating many of the points made earlier by others dealing with that bill at the time it as dealt with. The uncertainty in his delivery was in such contrast to his usual bravado and bluster that people got the impression that he had prepared a rebuttal of House Bills 1368 and 1369 according to his traditional presentation of the need for ICE agreements in broad unsubstantiated terms, but realized this would not be the best approach as those testifying before him had pointed out his usual lack of facts in contrast to the facts, figures, statistics, and studies presented by those who oppose ICE agreements.

Within 30 minutes of the testimony regarding these bills ending, the sheriff tweeted, “Pro-illegal immigration activists paraded up before me bashing myself and my office for our cooperation partnerships with @ICE.gov.”

Interestingly, rather than refuting the claims made by those he says “paraded up before me bashing myself “, he supported them as he claims he was bashed without citing anything that would show that to be true. He did as they claimed he does when justifying his negative attitude toward immigrants and his support of ICE. He made a statement as if just saying it makes it true.

My testimony, delivered both orally and in writing was:

“I am here in support of H1368, An Act relative to enforcing federal law.

     Massachusetts General laws Part 1:Title XV: Section 102 states that “All persons within the commonwealth, regardless of sex, race, color, creed, or national origin, shall have the full and equal benefit of all laws and proceedings for the security of persons and property.”

     There are no qualifiers, and in spite of people who might say this law only applied to legal citizens, there is nothing in the wording that says that. It says “All persons”.

     But there are some who, for the sake of their own political agenda and aspirations, seek to ignore the law and ignore people’s rights.

     As a Gay man who has lived in the Buckle of the Bible Belt, I am all too familiar with the use of a group of people to promote personal and political agendas by pushing an image of them based on misinformation while ignoring facts and reality to promote fear of them to justify actions against them.

     According to the Bristol County sheriff’s broad and unsupported opinion, undocumented people make communities less safe by allowing a person who commits a crime to avoid arrest and roam the streets with immunity to the law, and to have us believe what he and ICE are doing protects us from what in reality is just not there.

     The sheriff does not present any facts or studies when he makes his assertions, claiming instead it is common sense. Law enforcement action should be based on facts as opposed common sense as common sense is relative while facts are not.

     Social-science research consistently shows that undocumented immigrants are considerably less likely to commit crime than native-born people. If you are here and face possible deportation if discovered, it is obvious that it is to your advantage to keep out of the spotlight.

     The Cato Institute has found that native-born residents are much more likely to be convicted of crime than immigrants legal or undocumented.

     The journal Criminology found places with higher percentages of undocumented immigrants do not have higher rates of crime, but, rather, states with larger shares of undocumented immigrants tend to have lower crime rates than states with less, and, therefore, not only does illegal immigration not increase crime, it may actually contribute to the drop in overall crime. 

     And while claiming the active presence of ICE reduces danger he does not present any before and after statistics that would validate that claim.

     Having the word POLICE on their uniforms gives onlookers the impression that ICE’s actions are those of the local police. It is ICE who endangers the community by creating an adversarial relationship between the community and the local police.

     This does not keep anyone safe.

     Nor does representing one group in the community as a threat to others with no facts to back that, but, rather, relying on negative stereotypes and baseless claims.

     The taxpayers of the state should not be paying for anyone’s political agenda and self-promotion.”

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Waiting in the hall are:

Jessica Leeds

Trump reached his hand up her skirt and groped her while seated next to her on a flight in the late 1970s.

 

Ivana Trump

In a 1990 divorce deposition Ivana accused her then-husband of raping her in a fit of rage in 1989.

 

Kristin Anderson

Trump reached under her skirt and touched her vagina through her underwear at a New York City nightclub in the 1990s.

Jill Harth

Trump pushed her against a wall, put his hand up her skirt, and tried to kiss her at a dinner at his Mar-a-Lago resort in the early 1990s.

Lisa Boyne

She attended a 1996 dinner with Trump and modeling agent John Casablancas during which several other women in attendance were forced to walk across a table in order to leave. Trump looked up their skirts and commented on their underwear and genitals.

Mariah Billado and Victoria Hughes

Trump walked in on the two Miss Teen USA contestants while they were changing in their dressing rooms.

Temple Taggart

Trump “kissed me directly on the lips” when she met him at the Miss USA pageant in 1997. Trump did the same thing when Taggart met with him again at Trump Tower in Manhattan after he offered to aid her modeling career.

Cathy Heller

At a Mother’s Day brunch with her husband, children, and in-laws at Mar-a-Lago in the 1990s

Trump approached her table, introduced himself and forcibly kissed her.

Karena Virginia

Trump groped her as she waited for her car outside the US Open in New York in 1998.

Tasha Dixon and Bridget Sullivan

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Melinda McGillivray

Trump grabbed her buttocks while they were backstage during a Ray Charles concert at Mar-a-Lago in 2003.

Natasha Stoynoff

Trump sexually assaulted her in 2005 at Mar-a-Lago.

Jennifer Murphy and Juliet Huddy

Trump kissed them without their consent.

Rachel Crooks

Trump kissed her on the mouth without her consent when she introduced herself to him in 2005 Trump Tower in Manhattan where she worked as a receptionist.

Samantha Holvey

Trump personally inspected each of the pageant contestants individually.

Ninni Laaksonen

Trump groped her backstage at the “Late Show with David Letterman” in 2006.

Jessica Drake

Trump of grabbed and kissed her without permission and offered her money to accept a private invitation to his penthouse hotel room in Lake Tahoe in 2006.

Summer Zervos

Trump assaulted her during a 2007 meeting at The Beverly Hills Hotel.

Cassandra Searles

Trump treated her and other female Miss USA contestants “like cattle” and had them “lined up so he could get a closer look at his property.”

Alva Johnson

Trump kissed her without her consent at a Tampa, Florida rally on August 24, 2016.

Jean Carroll

Trump assaulted her in a department store dressing room in the mid-1990s.

Donald Trump

“I moved on her and I failed. I’ll admit it. I did try and fuck her. She was married. I moved on her like a bitch, but I couldn’t get there. And she was married. Then all of a sudden I see her, she’s now got the big phony tits and everything. She’s totally changed her look.”

“I’ve gotta use some Tic Tacs, just in case I start kissing her. You know I’m automatically attracted to beautiful — I just start kissing them. It’s like a magnet. Just kiss. I don’t even wait. And when you’re a star they let you do it. You can do anything… Grab them by the pussy. You can do anything.”

Oh.

No, wait.

She was White.
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October is GLBT History Month.

There are many stories out there and a lot of history. Throughout October I will be including some of my own story mixed in with the political blogs.

This entry relates how the major part of my adventure in the Oklahoma City School District began, and I have included pictures of the GLBT History Month poster, now an unbelievable 20 years old, that played a major role.

Compiled in the last years of the last millennium, it is shorter than what would be listed today as more history has been made and more people have become active in the struggle for GLBT rights, and closet doors have been removed more quickly and in greater numbers.

October being National Gay and Lesbian History Month, now GLBT  History Month, in 1999 I prepared a poster to hang on one of my classroom bulletin boards that consisted of the same four-hundred and fifty names of Gay people I had listed on a very large, oversized poster that had hung in my middle school classroom for two years. The poster listed various groups of people, from politicians, artists, and religious folk to sports and historical figures. It also contained people from many ethnic and racial groups. It was a very inclusive list that I simply hung on the first Monday in October, making no reference to it whatsoever; the words “Famous Gay, Lesbian, and Bisexual People” being the only indication of what the list was.

I admit that at that time Transgender people were not all that visible, and even had I been “woke” enough to have them on the list, with little attention on those members of the Community, names would have been hard to find. As it is, there might actually be some Transgender people on the list, but at the time, the T was still a year or so off.

I had made the poster while I was staying at the home of a Lesbian teacher with whom I had worked at the middle school, and who was beginning a relationship with another good friend of mine from the same school where we all worked. I had temporarily moved in with her after a particularly difficult break up with my significant other, and had helped her when she was taking certification classes for  her school administration certification by editing and correcting the grammar and spelling of the various reports she had had to write. For all intents and purposes we were like brother and sister. I had helped her handle the break-up of her most recent relationship, and was very supportive of the new one she was forming. I had no idea that, once she became a substitute administrator at the high school where I had been teaching before she transferred there, for the sake of moving up and keeping whatever position she would obtain, her attitude would turn completely negative toward things Gay related being open in school. As a matter of fact, she would eventually become the most anti-Gay administrator at the school when she became assistant principal and had a chance to become the principal.

Knowing that for many of the students, if not all, actually seeing such a list publicly displayed with no shame or embarrassment would in all probability be a new experience, I was prepared for whatever reaction they might have, hoping, of course, that it would not be too negative. I was quite pleased and proud of their reaction as it went from a small degree of shock and a little laughter the first day, to calling friends in between classes on the second day to see “The Poster”, and finally by the third day looking at it like any other piece of information that a teacher might hang in a classroom. They were mature about it for the most part.

There was one senior in my third hour class that I referred to as the “Rebel Without A Clue”. Somewhere along the line he had dropped out of school, moved to another state, held a job, and for whatever reason chose to return back home to finish his senior year. He only needed one final semester of credits to graduate and felt that because he had been in the real world, he was beyond the other seniors and my equal as an adult. He rebelled against anything and everything presented to the class without taking the time to assess it, never taking the time to see if he actually would have liked some of the things we did. He promoted his rebel image without restraint.

He was absolutely adored by another student in the class who was having some personal problems both at home and in school, and who apparently saw in his rebelliousness something to admire, with her adoration so intense he could do no wrong. She looked on him with puppy eyes, and if we watched a video she would make sure her hand fell close enough to him in order to lightly caress the back of his neck when the lights were  low. The day came when he thought that my treatment of the class was demeaning. In reality, because he was often absent and constantly indiscriminately rebellious, he was unaware of those times when I was joking with the class, and the class was joking along with or back at me. Class to him was like returning to some show on cable after going through all the stations with the remote expecting to pick up the original show where you left off. Apparently he assumed the class froze while he was away from it on the days of his many absences, so long standing jokes or references to something that happened during another class escaped him. He did not seem to understand that occasional visits to class interfered with continuity when he stood up in class on the third day of the poster’s appearance in reaction to a joking remark I had made to another student, and gave a rather incoherent and totally out of touch speech condemning my negative attitude toward the members of his class and my obvious ignoring of his equal standing with me. As he stormed out of the room announcing he was going to report me to the assistant principal, his most adoring fan rose to join him in his walk out. Once he was gone, and the laughter of the other students that had followed his dramatic exit  subsided, we returned to what we had been doing. Even the students did not see his action as appropriate or even called for.

On their way to the office the “rebel” and his moll were met by another student who had only been in my class for two weeks, and had only attended twice, and the three continued on to find the right assistant principal to whom to report. At the time, the assistant principals were not the disciplinarians needed at a middle-class, “inner-city” high school. They each favored the students from their own ethnic groups, and students knew which was the best one to go to in order to get what was wanted, or avoid the discipline that was called for.

Toward the end of my last class on the day of the very mini-walk-out I received a note from the Dean of Instruction (an invented position without much of a job description which put the holder of the job at the mercy of those administrators with identifiable job descriptions) requesting that I come to his office before leaving for the day.

The three students had reported on me to an assistant principal. Two of them were concerned about what they considered my less than acceptable treatment of my senior class with the “Rebel Without a Clue” voicing the complaint while his adoring fan merely nodded in agreement. The third student, who had joined them in the hall and was not privy to what had happened in the classroom that or any other day, had chimed in that she was offended on religious grounds by my “Homosexual Poster,” but the other two had said that as they had Gay friends the poster did not bother them. The vice-principal they had gone to referred the matter to the Dean of Instruction as he was the one that was to evaluate my teaching performance, but the only complaint he was directed to address was the poster. The other complaint was never dealt with. It was simply ignored.

Since I had not only worked with the Dean at the middle school, but he was the one who had pursued my transfer to the high school, we were on friendly terms. He admitted he was aware that I had had a similar poster in my middle school classroom and was aware of my work with the district to include GLBT students in policies on bullying, harassment, and non-discrimination, but he had been told to deal with the complaint, and so he was doing just that.

I explained that October was Gay and Lesbian History Month; that it was important for the students to see during this month that there were many Gay people who had made major contributions to western civilization just as it was important for other groups during other designated months like Black History Month, or Hispanic Heritage Month to see what their people had contributed; and that Gay students see that there were actually positive role-models for them. My confidence was bolstered by my involvement on the district’s diversity committees and the committee chair‘s advice regarding the spirit of the policy as opposed actual language. At our final committee meeting dealing with rewriting the three relevant policies at the end of the previous academic year, although the inclusion of sexual orientation was a proposed inclusion, the final wording was not formalized enough to be presented to the School Board, and when questioned, the chair said  without the actual wording the spirit of the language should be followed.

That was what I had done.

In spite of his acknowledging that these were lofty goals, the Dean’s concern was that I could not justify the poster on the grounds of multiculturalism as the various cultures were not represented; only Gay people were. His argument smacked of the erroneous belief that “Gay” was a white man’s thing, and revealed that he had not bothered to actually read the list, or he would have noticed the names of Asian-Americans, African-Americans, Native-Americans, and Hispanic-Americans.

His suggestion for remedying the situation was for me to go out that night and expend my own time, energy, and funds on purchasing posters that represented all minority groups, something my poster already did. I asked if I would be required to do the same when I acknowledged the months set aside for other groups such as Black History Month, or Hispanic Heritage Month, and if he or the person who objected to the poster would be willing to give me the funds to oblige this suggestion. My poster, after all, was already inclusive, so this would be an extra, unnecessary expense. I also let him know I could not follow his suggestion because I was attending the “Stop the Hate Rally” that was taking place that evening at the Myriad Gardens in downtown Oklahoma City, the irony of which to me was just short of pointed.

He then suggested that in the future I seek permission from an administrator before posting anything that someone might consider controversial. As I did not see information natural to Gay people to be controversial, I did not see how I, or any teacher for that matter, could anticipate what an individual might perceive as, or choose to call, controversial.

As far as I was concerned, when that meeting ended he had done as he was directed, having spoken to me about the complaint, and I had justified why the poster should hang in spite of the single complaint lodged.

 

We have assisted More than 1000+ patients since the inception of male enhancement pills, men were advised invasive and painful procedures by using vacuum devices, penile implants, and even surgery. viagra levitra online This body massage buy cheap sildenafil are reduced the scars and stretch marks. Too much of smoking, alcohol intake, diabetes, etc. canadian viagra form some of the temporary side- effects. The natural treatment for nightfall fixes a lot of problems mentally and could http://djpaulkom.tv/getting-to-the-bbq-dj-paul-shares-his-cooking-secrets/ levitra no prescription even lead to anxiety disorders or even depression. The following day before classes were to begin, the Dean of Instruction entered my room by the front door giving my room a quick survey before exiting out the back. Later that morning a student office aide delivered a note from the Dean of Instruction requesting that I report to his office before leaving school for the weekend, a meeting at which he expressed his disappointment at my not following his suggestion, and further suggesting that it might be a good idea to remove the poster by the beginning of the school day on Monday.

I gave the situation a lot of thought over the next two days, and concluded that to take down the poster would not only be a negative message to Gay students and their straight peers as well, but it would go against what I had been trying to do with the district and would legitimize the complaint of one student out of a student body of over 1400 students and my class load of well over 150. And, as I was following the spirit of the Diversity policy that the committee had been working on, the feelings of the members of that committee, and the explanation of the chair when asked what we should do in light of the absence of our final proposal and wording, I saw my actions as being supported by the district and its policies.

And so it was on that Monday morning as he once again passed through my room before classes began that I gave a letter to the Dean stating that I chose not follow his suggestion to remove the poster because it would not be in the best interest of the Gay Students or their peers; it contained people of all ethnic and racial groups; and that the student who allegedly complained was from the majority religion, race, and sexual orientation who had many outlets at her disposal including Fellowship of Christian Athletes, Bible study groups and a host of heterosexual related school sponsored activities. I went further to point out the uniqueness of the treatment of this poster as teachers did not have to have planned posters reviewed by administrators, and many classrooms featured posters not directly related to the curriculum. My poster served a valuable purpose.

A student office aide came to my room during the first class that morning to deliver a summons to the Dean of Instruction’s office. I replied with a quickly written note that explained in writing that I was leaving at noon to make sure I arrived on time for the funeral of a friend‘s mother, and, therefore, could not make the requested 1:00 p.m. meeting.

As I was dashing through the hall a little after noon, the dean met me and asked for a convenient time to meet. I suggested the next morning, but not too early as we would both probably want our morning coffee. We set the time of the meeting at 8:45 a.m., and off I ran.

After the funeral I returned home to find a message on my answering machine from the news department of a local T.V. station asking me to call the news director. Thinking they had reached me in error, and wanting to let them know that in case the story they were following was important, I returned the call and was asked for my reaction to the impending reprimand to be given to me at the meeting to take place at 8:45 the next morning. Obviously I could not give a reaction to the news of which I was not aware, and although I did verify to the news director that there was to be a meeting between the Dean of Instruction and myself in the morning, I could not confirm that I was getting a reprimand. Further, I was confused as to how she could possibly have known about it before me anyway.

It turned out that the parent of the student who complained about the poster had apparently called the news department after someone from the school had called him with the information about the purpose of the next morning’s meeting. I did not know how to handle this violation of my rights if it were true, and agreed to call the news director the next day with my reaction if I did get a reprimand, but only after I had time to deal with it. I then immediately called the local chapter of my Union to ask advice.

I am convinced, although I cannot prove the suspicion, that the funeral interfered with the time-line that was to have had our meeting take place that afternoon before the parent of the student who complained was to be called as a way to pacify him. He had threatened some sort of protest in front of the school if the poster was not removed, and someone felt this could be avoided if the parent was kept informed about how I was going to be handled.

If we had had the meeting that afternoon, whoever called him could have reported a reprimand was given. As it was, he could only be told I was about to get one. Still, this was a personnel matter which should have been addressed with me before announcing it to the public.

For the rest of that evening there were quite a few phone calls made between me and the Union, the Union and the central administration building, and me and the head of the public relations department of the school district to get advice on the parameters I must follow with the press as an employee. I went to school headquarters to meet with the P.R. director who never returned to her office, and had to settle with contacting her at a child‘s birthday party by way of her emergency pager number, only to be told to avoid anything related to personnel matters.

To get away from the situation I attended a political affair at a club in the hotel in the Gay District where the president of the local American Federation of Teachers managed to trace me down to tell me that the deputy superintendent was asking me not to go to school in the morning to avoid any potential demonstration that my attendance might provoke, and to ask if I would mind going to my classroom to help remove objectionable material.  We both knew that I would not consider agreeing with that last request.

The principal feared that the parent had organized a picket line, and he wanted anything the parent might find objectionable removed from my classroom before school the next day so that if the parent somehow got to my classroom in the morning he would not see anything to which he could object. To this end, the principal had gone to my room that evening with the Dean and an assistant principal to remove anything Gay related, but found he had to contact the Union president to see if he could get me to go to the classroom and help remove things. The principal’s major concern by the time the Union president found me was a huge chain with rainbow colors on it that the student had included in those things that bothered her, having now expanded her complaint beyond the poster. The chain could not be found, and the principal feared that if the parent saw it in the morning there would be a scene. The fact that he was in the room and unable to see the chain should have been an indication of the extent to which the student had exaggerated her discomfort with those things in my room especially as there had never been a huge chain in the room.

I refused to report to the school on the grounds that I would not be party to the removal of the “Gay things” and my expressed fear that to enter the school so far after hours could set me up for a charge of trespassing.

That night on the nine o’clock news there was a report on my poster featuring the father of the complaining student accusing me of “teaching homosexuality” when Bibles and prayers were banned from schools. The student also appeared in the reporter‘s video looking threatened and emotionally injured, expressing offense at this affront to her religion. My name was mentioned, and the parent reported that I was to receive a reprimand the following morning as proof that I was in the wrong.

The following afternoon I was contacted by the local station which had aired the report asking for my comment on the reprimand they thought I had received earlier in the day. I told the news director that I had been asked to take the day off, which would not count against my personal sick days, so I had had no meeting and had not received any reprimand yet. I agreed I would contact her if I got some direction on how to handle this as it was all new to me, and, therefore, a little unsettling. The news director then asked if I would speak to a reporter in general terms, but I asked for some time to consider this.

Hearing nothing from the district, and with support coming only from the Union and a few friends, I called the local station back a little later in the day agreeing to talk. Upon the arrival of the reporter and cameraman to my home, the reporter asked if she could see what the fuss was about, and I handed her a copy of the list of names I had hung on the bulletin board. She was markedly disappointed that it was merely a list of names with no pictures, saw no actual story in it, and then sat and read through the list occasionally expressing disbelief in a name or expressing satisfaction that someone she had suspected was indeed included.

But it was not the anticipated salacious information the station was led to believe it was.

We spoke for at least thirty minutes covering the importance of Gay and Lesbian History Month, why it should be treated just as all the other history months were, and why I thought the poster was a positive thing. As she was leaving and I thanked her for what appeared to me to be a positive interview, she told me that in all reality there was no story here. That night the station ran a little from the story of the night before, showed about thirty seconds of me showing the list to the reporter and explaining the importance of acknowledging Gay History Month, and that was it.

When I returned to school in the morning, I informed my students, in answer to the inevitable questions about the last two days, that we would not spend class time dealing with the matter beyond a quick recounting of the basic facts.

That afternoon I went to the Union office and filed a grievance to have the reprimand removed from my file.

Well, at least that was it for that episode, but it was the beginning of events that took the next 10 years to resolve to the benefit of Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual, and Transgender students in the district.